The clash of 'nations' in turkey: reflections on the Gezi Park incident.

• Author: Atay, Tayfun
• Position: COMMENTARY - Essay

"One cannot flatly deny the probability that there will arise two nations in Turkey, one secular, the other Islamic. The possibility of a violent confrontation between these two clusters seems distant but might become realistic in the future." (1)

Professor Serif Mardin made the above spine-tingling prediction about the future of Turkey nearly 25 years ago, and he very well might feel that time has confirmed his warning. (2) Indeed, the recent social outburst in Turkey, which stemmed from a small park in Istanbul and spread to all major cities of the country, has many indications that it can be taken as a proof for Mardin's 'far-sightedness.'

A group of sensitive environmental activists took a stand against a reconstruction plan in Gezi Park, Taksim, sincerely for the sake of the trees. However, an overly aggressive and violent police response to their peaceful resistance sparked an outrage, particularly within the secular segments of Turkish society against the religiously inspired authoritarian policies of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party). These policies, clearly visible since 2011 when the AK Party had its third subsequent electoral victory by taking nearly half of the votes, had long caused resentments among these people, as they felt their non-religious (but not 'irreligious') lifestyle was threatened.

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In fact, the AK Party had come to this point by following a very different path--one far from the recent authoritarian line. Its striking success in Turkey can be explained by its ability to convince many liberal-minded (surely, secular) people of its loyalty to the principles of liberal democracy. On this basis, it recruited considerable support from the non-conservative segments of the society, among which were the liberal, leftist and socialist circles, in its fight to defy the military-bureaucratic tutelage, particularly after the unsuccessful attempt of military intervention on April 27, 2007 (popularly called the 'e-coup').

The prosecutions, detainments, and charges of a large number of military officials and civilians who were accused of planning a coup against the AK Party government signaled the end of military-bureaucratic authoritarianism and a decisive turn toward a genuine democratic setting. Alas, the vacuum of authoritarianism left by the military bureaucracy seemed to be filled by the AK Party cadres --essentially, the Party replaced the Army! The AK Party moved away from being the leading force for civil-plural democracy to being the architect in the construction of a new identity and culture in Turkey. Nothing illustrates this change of orientation more perfectly than the words of Aziz Babuscu, the provincial chairman of the AK Party for Istanbul, who emphasized in a speech that the second decade of the AK Party power would be a period of "construction." (3) Small wonder then that some new codes related to education, or attempts to bring new regulations over very private matters such as abortion, alcohol consumption...