Syrian Women in the Turkish Labor Market: Understanding Their Labor Supply Behavior.

AuthorKarahan, Hatice

Introduction

After the crisis emerged in Syria in the early 2010s, nearly two-thirds of the Syrians who fled their country arrived in Turkiye, which has continued to host them. This humanitarian policy has given Syrians the right to reside in Turkiye under temporary protection and includes the right to benefit from various arrangements for accommodation, health, and educational services. Another dimension of this policy provides a framework for employment opportunities for Syrians. While a regulation issued in 2016 regarding work permits has allowed those under temporary protection (1) to find jobs, it is known that Syrians have also entered the informal labor market. (2) icduygu and Diker state that an overwhelming majority of the Syrians in the Turkish labor market remain informally employed. (3) Although the informal market creates job opportunities for these people, it also brings into question the working conditions that they face.

It should be stressed here that a vast majority of the Syrian workforce in Turkiye is composed of men. UN Women reported that only 15 percent of Syrian women in Turkiye have regular and/or seasonal jobs. (4) Based on another study conducted by the International Labour Organization (ILO), only 11.2 percent of those aged 15-65 are employed, which is a situation not uncommon across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. (5) A 2018 report by the Women and Democracy Association (KADEM) emphasizes the challenging outlook for the economic integration of female Syrian refugees into the job market due to various sociocultural and occupational issues. (6) Although this lack of participation in the labor market by Syrian women might be partly explained by prevalent cultural norms, many other factors can be expected to affect their labor supply decisions, either negatively or positively.

Given how little is known about this particular group, this study focuses on understanding the factors that shape the labor force participation of Syrian women in Turkiye. By conducting a qualitative study focusing on working women, we first attempted to identify the reasons underlying their decision to work. Then we sought to determine the differences (if any) in the Turkish labor market regarding the employment of Syrian women compared to that of both native Turks and Syrian men. To present the broadest picture, we drew our study sample from individuals residing in different cities in Turkiye, all of which have a significant Syrian population.

Our main research question was, "What are the factors leading Syrian women to participate in the labor force in Turkiye?" Using the neoclassical theory of labor supply, we attempted to discover the leading determinants behind Syrian women's decisions to work. Our hypothesis was that, although earning money to live serves as a major factor in this respect, refugee women--and particularly the young cohort--might attach importance to having a job for nonpecuniary purposes as well.

The secondary research question was, "Are there any differences in the Turkish labor market outcomes for female Syrian employees?" Based on a comparative analysis of working conditions, we expected to analyze the observed differences for these women in the job market as well as examine the potential sources of these differences, if any. Although we did not expect to find significant differences in working conditions, our related hypothesis was that some women employees might receive lower wages than their Turkish or male counterparts mainly due to their informal employment status or lower qualifications.

Literature Review

The literature on Syrian people in the Turkish labor market includes several quantitative studies that analyze the activities of the overall Syrian population based on micro-level data. Among these, Kayaoglu and Erdogan investigate the economic integration of Syrian refugees in terms of their participation in the Turkish economy by drawing on data from a survey of 1,235 Syrians. (7) Regarding the female population, the study shows that women of all ages have a higher probability of being inactive compared to men in the same age group. However, women who have a higher educational level and Turkish language proficiency are more employable. ILO, which provides information on the living and working conditions of Syrian people in Turkiye, concludes that this group's jobs are characterized by low earnings in general. However, a comparison between Syrian and native employees who work informally shows similar working hours and wages for both groups. Although its primary focus is on the overall Syrian population residing in Turkiye, the ILO paper also mentions the low participation of women refugees in the labor force.

Certain qualitative studies in the literature analyze the social and economic integration of Syrians in Turkiye. Icduygu and Millet, (8) Icduygu and Diker, and Erdogan, et al. (9) provide a broad perspective on the issues regarding the integration of Syrian people into Turkish society. Akyigit (10) establishes a connection between Syrian ethnic networks and status transitions in the labor market with an emphasis on the positive and negative effects of social capital. In addition to KADEM, which investigates the status of women living in Istanbul and Ankara, Tarakcioglu and Ciceklioglu focus on the participation of Syrian women in social activities in Izmir. (11)

Studies that investigate related labor market outcomes concentrate primarily on one or two selected cities in the country. Cetin analyzes the possibilities and means for Syrians' economic integration in the cities of Adana and Mersin, which are located in the Southern part of Turkiye. (12) Aglargoz and Yardimci have researched the factors underlying the labor supply decisions of Syrian refugees living in Sanliurfa -a border city- along with the challenges they encounter in working life. (13) Similarly, Kocadas addresses the problems experienced by the Syrian workforce in the city of Kilis, which is another Turkish city neighboring Syria. (14) Most of these studies identify similar issues for Syrians, including working conditions, communication problems, and cultural differences. In addition, the presence of ethnic networks and cultural similarities serve as relevant supporting factors in the labor market.

As noted above, studies examining the labor force participation of Syrian women are rather limited in the literature. Aydin analyzes the case of Syrian women working in nongovernmental organizations in another border city, Gaziantep, through interviews conducted with 16 women. (15) Her analysis, which relies mainly on social capital, confirms the importance of personal ties for this group both in finding employment and surviving in the sector. Another qualitative study published by Reliefweb is based on focus group discussions with 56 Syrian women refugees, regardless of their labor market status, a sample that was drawn from five cities in Turkiye. (16) The majority of the participants have not worked during their time in Turkiye but have assumed the responsibility for housework and child care. Participants who had not joined the labor market stated that employment would interfere with their domestic responsibilities. The potential objections by husbands to the idea of women's employment are also mentioned in the report as a discouraging effect.

Ozturk, et al. discuss the results from a survey of 341 Syrians under temporary protection in the city of Sanliurfa. (17) They conclude that the greatest barriers to employment for Syrian women are language, education, and skills. Findings from the study corroborate the negative effects of domestic chores, as well as the patriarchal structure of families on Syrian women's economic integration. However, comparatively speaking, the women participants are more active in Turkiye than they were in Syria. In a study of the work experiences of Syrian women living in Turkiye, Korukmez, et al. conducted interviews with 48 Syrian women working in paid...

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