Negotiating modernity and Europeanness in the Germany-Turkey transnational social field.

• Author: Rottmann, Susan Beth
• Position: Report

This article demonstrates the significance of a transnational social field connecting Germany and Turkey for explaining German-Turkish return migrants' experiences and for shedding light on broader concerns in Turkey regarding the country's belonging in Europe. During two years of ethnographic research with German-Turkish return migrants, I found that return migrants often experience significant conflicts with family members and neighbors. Specifically, when return migrants signal transnational belonging, they spur debates in their communities about the potentially positive influences of "German" discipline and self-education and the perceived negative influences of "German" individualism and a feared loss of "Turkish" morality and religiosity. Although scholars have criticized stereotypic dichotomies between sociality-individualism and discipline-disorder when considering "the West" and "others," (1) I repeatedly encountered attribution to these stereotypes during conflicts between migrants and non-migrants. In this article, I show that migrants and non-migrants are mobilizing these stereotypes while they struggle over belonging in a transnational social field connecting Germany and Turkey.

Germany and Turkey are linked through a "set of multiple, interlocking, networks of social relationships," including a myriad of economic, political and cultural ties. (2) The social field is further a space of imaginations of relationships between Germany and Turkey, Europeans and Turks. Conflicts between German-Turks and non-migrants result because the transnational social field reflects and produces citizens' uncertainties about the Europeanness and modernity of Turkey and worries about future Turkish-EU membership and European integration. (3) Despite a widely reported turn away from Europe on the part of Turkey's political leaders, (4) this research suggests that Turkish citizens remain deeply concerned about Turkey's current and future position in Europe. By understanding the role of the transnational social field, we may be able to develop policies that would encourage return migration and ease the transition to Turkey for the ever increasing numbers of returnees, as well as address citizens' anxieties.

In the following section I discuss German-Turkish migration and the parameters of my research into the phenomenon of return migration. Then, I characterize conflicts between migrants and non-migrants through ethnographic examples. In the discussion that follows, these conflicts are explained by describing the contours of the Germany-Turkey transnational social field. After this analysis, the article looks at the historical roots of Turkish striving for modernity and belonging in Europe and examines how anxieties about Turkish modernity circulate through the transnational social field. The conclusion considers policies that might ameliorate returnees' struggles and Turkish citizens' worries.

German-Turkish Migration and Return

Germany initially invited Turks to Germany as Gastarbeiter (guest workers) between 1961 and 1973 when the German government signed work recruitment treaties with foreign governments. (5) Today, there are nearly three million Turks in Germany. (6,7) This number includes the original guest workers, who travelled to the country until 1973, migrants who travelled through familial networks or due to political oppression in Turkey during the 1980s and 1990s and transnational migrants seeking educational and business opportunities in Germany in recent years. (8) Despite a stable community in Germany, there is now a net out-migration of approximately 4,000 migrants per year. (9) Estimates indicate that there are approximately four million people in Turkey with a German migration background. (10) Returnees include first-generation migrants, who retire in Turkey permanently and some who divide their time equally between Turkey and Germany as well as second- and third-generation ethnic migrants who travel to Turkey to pursue employment opportunities. Three quarters of returnees are between 25 and 50 years of age and one quarter are over 50. (11)

This article is based 25 months of ethnographic research in three sites in northwestern Turkey: Ilce, (12) a town of about 15,000; Tekirdag, a small city with a population of about 100,000; and Istanbul, the largest city in Turkey, estimated to have a population of between 12-16 million. Formal interviews were conducted with 57 migrants. Additionally, over 100 community members, relatives, and neighbors of migrants were informally interviewed. Initially, contacts with German-Turks were made through personal friends and Turkish teachers. A broader network of migrants was accessed through their extended family members, neighbors, and friends. In Istanbul, returnees were also contacted through a Return Migrant's Group (the Ruckkehrer Stammtisch), the Goethe Institute, and a German-Turkish telemarketing center. The goal of this research was to explore inter-generational and community relationships, and therefore to focus on both first and second generation returnees and on almost equal numbers of men and women. (13) All of those interviewed self-identified as ethnically Turkish (not Kurdish) and as having a Muslim background. The interviewees were free to choose either Turkish or German as the language of the interviews, but ultimately 90% of the interviews and conversations were conducted in Turkish. Initial interviews were conducted either in homes or in a public location of the interviewees' choosing. The interview questions were prepared to elicit information from returnees' about their experiences in Germany and Turkey, but interviews were open-ended and ranged widely across many topics.

While carrying out this research, I also lived with four return migrant families and made observations of daily activities, weddings, circumcision ceremonies, funerals, guns (visiting days), sohbets (religious discussions), kermes (yard sales to benefit the poor), political party meetings, mosque services, and holiday celebrations. Observing interactions among family members and neighbors by living with families yielded the most revealing data regarding familial and community relationships. In addition to observations and interviews, I also watched film and television programs and conducted research on the Internet to understand more about returnees' lives and how non-migrants perceive them. Finally, I followed news stories concerning German-Turks, return migrants, and Turkey's relationships with Germany and Europe on the Hurriyet, Radikal, Milliyet, and NTVMSNBC websites.

Difficulties at "Home"

During the course of research, migrants repeatedly told me of conflicts in their families and neighborhoods. First generation migrants and, in particular, women face more conflicts with family than second generation migrants, while both first and second generations (men and women) may face conflicts with neighbors. This article focuses on two stories that illustrate common conflicts. The first story revolves around Derya's conflicts with her family, while the second recounts Meltem's conflicts with her neighbors. (14) Although Derya and Meltem differ significantly from one another in terms of age, class and lifestyle, the conflicts observed involve similar accusations of becoming "German-like," individualistic, snobbish or of losing "Turkish" cultural values. After discussing Derya and Meltem's experiences, the article examines their difficulties with reference to the transnational social field and citizens' concerns about Turkey's belonging in Europe.

Derya's Return Home

Derya was born in 1956 near the small town of Ilce, one of 5 children from a large, poor family. She completed elementary school and began working at a factory in her teens. At age 17, in 1973, she married and travelled to Berlin with her husband, Ali. Working in Germany allowed her and her husband to purchase several houses and cars in Turkey. After 34 years in Germany, the couple returned to their native village in Turkey in 2007, but they still make frequent trips to Germany to visit friends and sometimes for medical visits. Like other first generation migrant women, Derya discussed pervasive conflicts surrounding family financial exchanges and care for the elderly. She stressed that she was generous with her wealth and continuously provided money for familial marriage and circumcision ceremonies, but family members neither appreciated her generosity nor helped her in any way. Therefore, when Derya returned permanently to Turkey, she did not feel that she needed to provide any help to relatives, and she adamantly refused to care for her 80-year old mother-in-law, Gamze. It is customary in many Turkish families for daughters-in-law to care for mothers-in-law in old age, and therefore Derya's refusal can be perceived as a defiance of gender norms as well as a rejection of her extended family's demands. (15)

Derya's refusal prompted a heated dispute between Derya and Ali's relatives. "Ali's family is very thankless (nankor), and it makes me really mad" Derya related. "I don't want to help them or even speak to them anymore. My mother-in-law can take care of herself." Other first generation migrant women described similar conflicts and expressed similar sentiments. One returnee, Selin, explained, "We were sacrificed (kurban olduk) ... You are working for the whole family in Germany. Relatives milked us like a cow." Another returnee, Filiz, noted, "People are selfish. It is very...